President Donald Trump has initiated a long overdue reversal of US policy toward Iran’s support for terrorist organizations in the Middle East. He has voiced unconditional support for Israel’s fight against Hamas in Gaza and authorized US military operations against the Houthis in Yemen.
With Iran’s regional proxies reeling from Israel’s military campaign, the Trump administration should now focus on where Iran is looking to establish its next terror footholds: Jordan and the West Bank.
Jordan’s Underrated Role
Over the past two years, Jordan has taken significant risks to counter Iranian threats. The monarchy has joined regional defense efforts against two Iranian-led attacks on Israel and taken decisive action on its Syrian border to stop the smuggling of captagon — a potent, addictive drug trafficked by Iranian proxies.
Jordan’s bravery must be acknowledged, as should its vital contributions to US counterterrorism objectives in the region.
Iran’s Strategy in the West Bank
Iran has steadily funneled sophisticated weapons into the West Bank through its proxies, criminal gangs, and Bedouin tribes for over three years, aiming to replicate Hamas’ October 7 attack. Documents seized by Israel in Gaza confirm this intent. In 2023, Iran’s Supreme Leader publicly declared the West Bank a “major battleground” against Israel.
The 2025 Annual Threat Assessment from the Director of National Intelligence underscored this shift, noting that while Hamas’ “popularity has declined among Gazans, its popularity remains high among West Bank Palestinians, especially relative to the Palestinian Authority.”
Exploiting Discontent in Jordan and the West Bank
After setbacks across the region, Iran is increasingly focused on Jordan and the West Bank, where Hamas retains broad social support. Tehran aims to exploit that sentiment to destabilize the Jordanian monarchy.
Iran’s investments and the influence of groups like Hamas in parts of Jordan mean that a collapse of the West Bank would present not just a crisis for Israel, but a regional emergency threatening all US partners.
Unlike Gaza, where Israel has had no military presence for two decades, the West Bank remains under tight Israeli security coordination. Israeli forces regularly thwart terror plots — but that alone is no longer enough to stay ahead of Iran’s ambitions.
What’s Needed Now
Regional peace and US interests — including the release of hostages and leverage in future nuclear talks — hinge on renewed focus on the West Bank and Jordan. This approach should be built on three pillars.
First, we must bolster coordination between Israel and Jordan to confront and eliminate growing terrorist threats.
Second, the US should provide Jordan with the military and counterterrorism resources it needs to maintain internal stability and deter Iranian influence.
Third, and perhaps most difficult, protecting interests in the West Bank must not short-circuit the broader conversation on Palestinian statehood. October 7 proved that any discussion of statehood must begin with two questions: Who will govern? And how can we ensure that governance does not endanger Israeli security? At present, neither question has a clear answer.
Building a more resilient Jordan and West Bank — insulated from Iranian interference — is not only a crucial takeaway from the October 7 attack, but potentially the first step toward a viable conversation on Palestinian self-determination.
A Collective Regional Response
Securing the West Bank, despite its importance to regional stability, remains one of the toughest challenges ahead. It involves navigating sensitive terrain and addressing the realities of Palestinian civilian life, not unlike the paralysis that surrounds planning Gaza’s future.
But as the aftermath of October 7 has shown, the most powerful contributions from regional partners have come from coordinated, quiet action.
Just as these partners helped repel Iran’s attacks in April and October, their cooperation is now crucial in addressing Iran’s emerging threats in the West Bank and Jordan.
Jacob Olidort (@JOlidort) serves as Director of the Center for American Security at the America First Policy Institute.
Jacob is a historian of the Middle East with over a decade working on national security issues in the US government and in different research institutions.
Most recently he served as an advisor in the Office of former Vice President Mike Pence and as a foreign policy advisor to the late Senator Orrin Hatch (R-UT) and to Senator Josh Hawley (R-MO). He also served in the Central Intelligence Agency and as an advisor on Middle East Policy in the Office of the Secretary of Defense.
The views and opinions expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of The Defense Post.
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